THE QUESTION POSED:
For this post, consider dominant images of
masculinities in the media. For an example, watch the following clip of
masculinity in Disney films: Masculinity in Disney.
- Do
these media portrayals follow Willott and
- How
do you think dominant ideologies of masculinity will shape everyday
performances of masculinity? In your answer, be sure and draw on Willott
and
Next, discuss how you use the discourse marker
“dude." Draw on Kiesling to explain how this is an example of everyday
performances of masculinity.
Finally, consider whether or not we are seeing
a new type of masculinity in the “bromance” genre. For an example, watch the
following trailer for the film “I Love you Man”: I Love you Man. Is this a new type of
masculine relationship or does it fit hegemonic masculine ideals?
References
Bird,
S. R. (n.d.). WELCOME TO THE MEN'S CLUB. Gender & Society. Retrieved
July 2, 2013, from http://gas.sagepub.com/content/10/2/120.short
Kiesling,
S. F. (n.d.). DUDE. American Speech. Retrieved July 2, 2013, from
http://americanspeech.dukejournals.org/content/79/3/281.short
Willott,
S., & Griffin ,
C. (n.d.). `Wham Bam, am I a Man?': Unemployed Men Talk about Masculinities. Feminism
& Psychology. Retrieved July 2, 2013, from
http://fap.sagepub.com/content/7/1/107.short
MY RESPONSE:
Disney’s portrayals of males certainly follow Willott and Griffin ’s discussion of
hegemonic masculinity. If anything, Disney’s male characters provide frighteningly
accurate caricatures of hegemonic masculinity in America (and probably, I think, in
western society as a whole). In Beauty
and the Beast, Gustav’s masculinity is celebrated at the pub – a social location
much discussed in Willott and Griffin ’s
work – and is emphasized by his ability to buy rounds of drinks and the display
of his hunting trophies. Both of these are indicators of a man’s ability as a
provider, which is an integral aspect of hegemonic masculinity as described by
Willott and Griffin .
I know from watching my own son and his friends grow up (and
from the work of developmental psychologists such as Erickson, Piaget, and
Kohlberg) that children tend to look to those most like themselves when trying
to figure out how to behave socially. It’s no surprise, then, that the
strongest enforcement of hegemonic gender ideologies come from within
homosocial interactions, as Bird’s research suggests. We see this in the way
that the men in Willott and Griffin ’s
study describe the pub as a place where their masculinity can be proven. Their
relative masculinity demonstrations concerning their home lives have more to do
with what they provide which can be proven to the guys later than how their
wives and children perceive them.
Dude: I use “dude” a lot. Too much, according to certain
friends of mine. I am more female than not, and I use “dude” to address every
single one of my friends at one point or another, regardless of their gender.
Perhaps this is an expression of my masculinity, or an indication that I was
raised primarily by my older brother in the 80s, which was when “dude” became a
mainstream word. It seems equally plausible, though, that my use of “dude” is
more an indication of the relative gender-neutrality of the word, in comparison
to its gendered history.
I do think that our hegemonic ideals are changing. For
example, hunting is still more of a man’s game, but it isn’t a necessary skill
for men, as it was earlier in our history. “Metrosexual” was a big thing not so
long ago, and it indicated a slightly less “masculine” guy, but the look we
once described as “metrosexual” is now the mainstream fashion. I don’t know the
‘bromances’ are new, but I do think the way we talk about them – and name them –
is new. There have always been male friendships and ‘brotherhoods’ – fraternal
organizations are a huge part of American history – but we have new words to
describe them which are indicative of the softening of the lines of masculinity
evidenced by, among other things, the metrosexual fashion developments.
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